H-Nationalism Accepting Individual New Publications Announcements

David Prior's picture

Dear Subscribers, 

Normally H-Nationalism runs a regular monthly update on new publications, but at present I'm too tied up with other commitments. For the time being, please feel welcomed to reply to this post with announcements for publications of yours from the last year. Please avoid promotional hype and blurbs--just full bibliographic information, a relevant link from the publisher/journal, and abstract (if available). I will publish the incoming announcements towards the end of each week. 

Best wishes, 

Dave Prior
Associate Professor of History
University of New Mexico
Editor, H-Nationalism

Leith, M and Sim, D (2022) Indifference or Hostility? Anti-Scottishness in a Post-Brexit England. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, (Online version). https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2022.2064082
Abstract: The UK's decision to leave the EU was partly influenced by a desire to reduce immigration. This followed a period of increased Euroscepticism, and an ‘othering’ of those of a different background, nationality or religion, and ultimately the EU itself. Post-Brexit, this has been linked to a rise in hate crime in England, and the referendum decision has been characterised as an expression of a strengthened English identity. Hostility towards those perceived as ‘foreigners’ or ‘others’ seems also to have affected people from the other nations within the British Isles, with speculation that Brexit might lead to the break-up of the UK. Here, we focus on Scots living or who have lived in England and, while their experiences are mixed, it appears that some hostility towards Scots (and indifference to Scotland) has grown. We speculate that this and additional political tensions may, eventually, bring about the end of the union.

Leith, M and Sim, D (2022) 'Will ye no' come back again?': Population challenge and diaspora policy in Scotland'. Population, Space and Place, (early view version) https://doi.org/10.1002/psp.2572
Abstract: Like many countries, Scotland has its population challenges, including a low birth rate and an ageing population. Some countries have sought to offset these challenges by the promotion of ‘replacement immigration’ or by economic policies to attract migrants. But, as part of the United Kingdom, Scotland lacks many of the policy levers available to promote wide-ranging socioeconomic development and has no powers over immigration, as this is reserved to the U.K. Government. In this paper, we explore the potential for attracting members of the Scottish diaspora as a means of boosting population growth, using data from a series of surveys we have undertaken during the last decade. Although Scotland's quality of life may be attractive to returners, employment opportunities are crucial. However, the coronavirus pandemic has shown the potential for widening home-based working and this demonstrates additional possibilities for returners to live in Scotland while working elsewhere.

Higuchi, T, Hymans, JEC. Materialized internationalism: How the IAEA made the Vinča Dosimetry Experiment, and how the experiment made the IAEA. Centaurus. 2021; 63: 244– 261. https://doi.org/10.1111/1600-0498.12358

Abstract: After a deadly 1958 nuclear reactor accident in Vinča, Yugoslavia, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) engaged in intensive nuclear diplomacy to assemble a major international scientific experiment on radiation dosimetry at the accident site. The 1960 Vinča Dosimetry Experiment made history as the first multinational “big science” project in this field. It was also a significant political victory for the young IAEA, which had been struggling to prove its value in the international community. The story of the successful mounting of the Vinča Dosimetry Experiment highlights the complex interplay between the material culture of science and diplomacy and internationalist ideas. The experiment can therefore be described as a case of "materialized internationalism," whose material and political dimensions were mutually constitutive.

Yoav Peled, "From Safe Haven to Messianic Redemption: The Ascendance of Religious-Zionism," Politics and Religion Journal, 16:1, June 2022.




On June 13, 2021, Naftali Bennet was sworn in as Israel’s first ever Religious-Zionist

Prime Minister. Although Bennet’s political party, Yamina (Rightward), had

only seven seats in the Knesset (out of 120), and his coalition government lasted

only one year, his election as Prime Minister symbolized the progress made by Religious-

Zionism towards achieving a hegemonic position in Israeli society. Historically,

Religious-Zionism had been a junior partner in the historic bloc which sustained

the hegemony of the Labour Zionist movement over the Zionist settlement project.

However, the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973 gave the younger generation of

Religious-Zionism the opportunity to take over their own movement and aim, as

they put it, to move from the back seat to the driver’s seat of Israeli society. Labour

Zionism’s loss of the political initiative regarding the territories occupied in 1967 provided

the opening for that move. Religious-Zionism encompasses a whole range

of religious and nationalist outlooks, but its most influential and dynamic element

is the activist-Messianic tendency associated with Gush Emunim. The core interest

and value of this dominant tendency is the permanent incorporation of the West

Bank under Israeli sovereignty.

Keywords: Religious-Zionism, hegemony, Gush Emunim, Labor-Zionism, religionization

Hansen, Christian Kofoed. “Hitler’s National Socialist Democracy Concept 1919-1933.” Politics, religion & ideology ahead-of-print, no. ahead-of-print (2022): 1–27.


A conceptual study of Hitler's development of the National Socialist democracy concept between 1919 and 1933 is presented. Despite the voluminous literature on Hitler and Nazism, our knowledge of the NS democracy concept is seriously incomplete. This article makes a substantial historiographical contribution by providing a more profound understanding of Hitler's NS democracy concept and his position in the broader Weimar debate on democracy. I argue that Hitler prioritized democracy as a core concept in NS ideology. Between 1920 and 1925, Hitler employed a Germanic democracy concept centred on a popularly elected Führer modelled in the reversed mirror image of his Jewish democracy concept. The allegedly Jewish interpretation of democracy was, according to Hitler's conspiracy theory, a precursor for the Jews to achieve a global dictatorship. Between 1925 and 1933 Hitler resettled for an anti-plebiscitary Volksherrschaft concept, abandoning his Germanic democracy, the election of the Führer, and elections per se. This new concept rested on a notion of a Volkswille, which purportedly accommodated a genuine will of the people that could not be expressed in plebiscites and was identical with Hitler's worldview. I contend that Hitler's changeover from Germanic democracy to Volksherrschaft contributed to a totalitarian turn in NS ideology.

Shull, Kristina. Somos los Abandonados: Mariel Cuban Stories from Detention and Resisting the Carceral State. Anthurium: Caribbean Studies Journal 17, no. 2 (2021), p. 5, DOI: http://doi.org/10.33596/anth.445.

Through an analysis of government documents, media sources, migrant testimonies, made objects, and acts of protest, this essay examines the impact of the United States’ indefinite detention of Mariel Cubans—and their resistance—on immigration detention policy and the rise of the carceral state during the Reagan administration. As the United States first detained Mariel Cubans on military bases and then in US prisons, Cubans continually challenged their indefinite detention and US attempts at deportation through legal, political, and poetic claims, as well as uprisings—culminating in a two-week takeover and standoff at two prisons in Atlanta and Louisiana in 1987, the longest prison uprising in US history. Throughout, the Mariel migration remained at the center of the Reagan administration’s immigration and prison policy discussions, ushering in a new era in detention and immigration restriction. This essay also considers the role of Mariel Cuban storytelling as a powerful form of resistance to detention, and the extraordinary anti-Blackness, queerphobia, and criminalization surrounding this migrant group, then and now. It concludes by reflecting on contemporary coalitional efforts to uplift the stories of Cubans recently—or still—imprisoned, some having arrived with the Mariel Boatlift, and possibilities for abolitionist futures.

Book: Networks, Narratives and Nations. Transcultural Approaches to Cultural Nationalism in Modern Europe and Beyond, Eds. Marjet Brolsma, Alex Drace-Francis, Krisztina Lajosi-Moore et al., Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. Webpage: https://www.aup.nl/en/book/9789463720755/networks-narratives-and-nations .

Book: Goalwin, Gregory J. Borders of Belief: Religious Nationalism and the Formation of Identity in Ireland and Turkey. Rutgers University Press, 2022.


Religion and nationalism are two of the most powerful forces in the world. And as powerful as they are separately, humans throughout history have fused religious beliefs and nationalist politics to develop religious nationalism, which uses religious identity to define membership in the national community. But why and how have modern nationalists built religious identity as the foundational signifier of national identity in what sociologists have predicted would be a more secular world? This book takes two cases - nationalism in both Ireland and Turkey in the 20th century - as a foundation to advance a new theory of religious nationalism. By comparing cases, Goalwin emphasizes how modern political actors deploy religious identity as a boundary that differentiates national groups This theory argues that religious nationalism is not a knee-jerk reaction to secular modernization, but a powerful movement developed as a tool that forges new and independent national identities.

CRUSET, Maria Eugenia. “Transnational Migration, Diasporas and Political Action”. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2022.

Abstract: This book analyses the political activities of migrant groups and diásporas in their host countries and homelands. It brigs together theoretical aproches and case studies wich detail such groups´objetives, agendas and styles, as well as associative organizations and links with political parties.


G. Savino, Il nazionalismo russo, 1900-1914 : identità, politica, società, Federico II University Press, Napoli 2022, https://doi.org/10.6093/978-88-6887-116-1

ABSTRACT: Giovanni Savino Russian Nationalism, 1900-1914: identity, politics, society gives a reconstruction of the debate and the issues of National Conservative area in Late Imperial Russia, going through the main positions and topics at the core of State Duma and public opinion debates. Great attention is devoted to the role of Conservative intellectuals in the formation of programs and ideas, as to the Kholm question, which saw the clash with the Polish National Movement, and the relation with the Ukrainian identity.

Norocel, O. C. and Giorgi, A. (2022). "Disentangling radical right populism, gender, and religion: an introduction." Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 29(4): 417-428. https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2022.2079307
Abstract: This Special Issue provides diverse multidisciplinary entry points that convey the multi-layered complexity of the interactions between radical right populism, gender issues, and religious questions. It fills a gap in the scholarship dealing with the political and social manifestations of radical right populism. From a theoretical point of view, the connections between radical right populism and gender and between radical right populism and religion, respectively, have received growing scholarly attention. The present Special Issue bridges these separate lines of inquiry, concentrating on how issues of gender and religion are jointly addressed in radical right populist discourses. The articles in this Special Issue provide the first in-depth and comparative understanding of the entanglements of gender and religion in radical right populist ideology, explore the active role of religion in the populist discourse, and invite to combine the analysis of the political sphere with the analysis of occurrences in the broader society.

Norocel, O. C. and Pettersson, K. (2022). "Imbrications of Gender and Religion in Nordic Radical Right Populism." Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 29(4): 429-446. https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2021.1990542
Abstract: We examine here how issues of gender and religion are employed for ideological purposes in the discourses of radical right populist parties in Sweden and Finland. We begin with the complexity of these societies as paragons of social welfare and gender equality, within which Lutheran Christianity discreetly underpins their largely secularised character. Employing a poststructuralist methodological approach, we analyse the key political speeches of the chairpersons of the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) and Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset/ Sannfinländarna). We unveil a complex interplay between gender and religion; gender equality is used strategically to strengthen and legitimise the separation between ‘the people’ and racialised Others, while references to religion are employed to rank the racialised Other as ‘less than’ the secular and modern ‘people’, and to oppose alleged inquisitorial attempts on the part of progressive left and liberal parties.

Norocel, O. C. (2022). "Gendering Web2.0 sociotechnical affordances of far-right metapolitics." Social Media + Society 8(3): 1-11. https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051221108076
Abstract: This study examines the ways in which Web2.0 sociotechnical affordances of far-right metapolitics are gendered. Specifically, I focus on a key Swedish far-right entity that is not only an extensive publisher of far-right intellectual output, but also organizes a political salon that unites various actors from the European transnational far-right ecosystem. My explicit interests are in the performances of far-right masculinity at work in this metapolitical project. Consequently, the article makes both empirical and theoretical contributions to the field. Empirically, the study provides a digital ethnography of the manner in which far-right performances of masculinity consolidate digital fraternities around a shared transnational far-right ethos of the underdog “us.” In so doing, they exploit Web2.0 sociotechnical affordances, presenting their capability of skillfully weaponizing the digital landscape for their metapolitical project. These performances of masculinity aim to re-naturalize the domination, hierarchy, and privilege of White cis heterosexual masculinities across such intersectional axes of inequality as gender, sexuality, race, and social class. This is underpinned by a syncretic theoretical construct, at the heart of which lies the concept of masculinity of crises, buttressed by a superordinate intersectionality perspective. This combination enables a more sophisticated analysis of Web2.0 sociotechnical affordances, highlighting the intersectional underpinnings of the co-constitutive dynamic between far-right performances of masculinity and crises.

Ariel Zellman & Davis Brown (2022) Uneasy Lies the Crown: External Threats to Religious Legitimacy and Interstate Dispute Militarization, Security Studies, 31:1, 152-182, https://doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2022.2038664

Abstract: Although often argued that religion should significantly influence international conflict, the empirical record is mixed. For every recurrent interreligious conflict, there are numerous examples of sustained interreligious cooperation. Conflict also frequently mars the oft-assumed peaceful relations between shared-religion states. We argue that religion is an important intervening factor in interstate dispute militarization, especially between internally threatened rivals. In mixed-religion dyads, conflict often follows oppression of cross-border coreligionists, whereas in shared-religion dyads, conflict occurs as one side disproportionately increases its official support for that religion. In both instances, dispute militarization is primarily an effort to undercut domestic competitors, whose challenge is augmented by external threats to leaders’ religious legitimacy. We test these propositions using new, long-term data on religious demography and state-religion policy, identifying rivalries via antecedent interstate territorial disputes. The findings largely confirm our hypotheses, substantially clarifying the conditions under which religion contributes to international militarized conflict.

Weiner, Amanda, and Ariel Zellman. (2022) Mobilizing the White: White Nationalism and Congressional Politics in the American South. American Politics Research, OnlineFirst, https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X221088844

Abstract: To what extent do white nationalists influence Congressional representative conservatism? Although ethnocentrism, out-group prejudice, and racial threats strongly predict American political attitudes and voter behavior, how social movements predicated on these beliefs shape political outcomes is rarely considered. We argue that white nationalist activities significantly contribute to the radicalization of Congressional representatives’ policy agendas in a manner non-reducible to demographic or socioeconomic conditions. By mobilizing white voters against racial status threats, they indirectly compel politicians to adopt more radically conservative agendas. We quantitatively test these propositions by examining distributions of white nationalist groups in the American South against Congressional representative conservatism from 2010–2017. Analyses reveal that white nationalists indeed appear to significantly impact representative radical conservatism, even controlling for numerous factors commonly theorized to explain their rise. In doing so, we contribute to emerging insights on the political influence of the radical right on the contemporary American conservative “mainstream.”

Narendra Subramanian, Nation and Family: Personal Law, Cultural Pluralism, and Gendered Citizenship in India. Routledge, Taylor, and Francis. 2022. (Revised edition of book initially published by Stanford University Press, 2014, with a new introduction)

Nation and Family is the most comprehensive study of the public discourses, social mobilization, legislation and case law that formed India’s main personal law systems governing Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. It, for the first time, systematically compares Indian experiences to those in various other countries that inherited personal laws specific to religious group, sect, or ethnic group. The book shows why India changed personal law less than Turkey and Tunisia, but far more than Algeria, Syria and Lebanon, and largely increased women’s rights, contrary to the trend in Pakistan, Iran, Sudan and Nigeria since the 1970s.

The distinct personal laws governing the major religious groups are a major aspect of Indian multiculturalism and secularism. The book explores how ruling elites’ discourses about the nation, its cultural groups and traditions interact with the state-society relations regimes inherit, and the ways regimes seek to change these relations. These interactions are shown to influence multiculturalism, religion’s place in public policy and public life, and family regulation. In demonstrating how communitarian discourses shape state-society relations and policymaking, the study takes “state-in-society” approaches to comparative politics, political sociology, and legal studies in new directions.

A new Introduction discusses the legislative and judicial changes in family law since the BJP gained an absolute parliamentary majority in 2014, such as the criminalization of the triple talaq, against the longer-term backdrop of Hindu nationalist promises to introduce a Uniform Civil Code and reshape the Indian nation. It also addresses recent scholarship on Indian and comparative family law. This book will interest scholars and students of politics, sociology, anthropology, law, history, religion, and public policy, and also journalists, policymakers and civil society actors.

Jan Rybak, Everyday Zionism in East-Central Europe: Nation-Building in War and Revolution, 1914–1920. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021.

Everyday Zionism examines Zionist activism in East-Central Europe during the years of war, occupation, revolution, the collapse of empires, and the formation of nation states in the years 1914 to 1920. Against the backdrop of the Great War—its brutal aftermath and consequent violence—the day-to-day encounters between Zionist activists and the Jewish communities in the region gave the movement credibility, allowed it to win support and to establish itself as a leading force in Jewish political and social life for decades to come. Through activists' efforts, Zionism came to mean something new: Rather than being concerned with debates over Jewish nationhood and pioneering efforts in Palestine, it came to be about aiding starving populations, organizing soup-kitchens, establishing orphanages, schools, kindergartens, and hospitals, negotiating with the authorities, and leading self-defence against pogroms. Through this engagement Zionism evolved into a mass movement that attracted and inspired tens of thousands of Jews throughout the region. Everyday Zionism approaches the major European events of the period from the dual perspectives of Jewish communities and the Zionist activists on the ground, demonstrating how war, revolution, empire, and nation held very different meanings for people, depending on their local circumstances. Based on extensive archival research, the study shows how during the war and its aftermath East-Central Europe saw a large-scale nation-building project by Zionist activists who fought for and led their communities to shape for them a national future.

Daniela L. Caglioti, War and Citizenship. Enemy Aliens and National Belonging from the French Revolution to the First World War, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2021,


What did it mean to be an alien, and in particular an enemy alien, in the interstate conflicts that occurred over the nineteenth century and that climaxed in the First World War? In this ambitious and broad-ranging study, Daniela L. Caglioti highlights the many ways in which belligerent countries throughout the world mobilized populations along the member/non-member divide, redefined inclusion and exclusion, and refashioned notions and practices of citizenship. She examines what it meant to be an alien in wartime, how the treatment of aliens in wartime interfered with sovereignty and the rule of law, and how that treatment affected population policies, individual and human rights, and conceptions of belonging. Concentrating on the gulf between citizens and foreigners and on the dilemma of balancing rights and security in wartime, Caglioti highlights how each country, regardless of its political system, chose national security even if this meant reducing freedom, discriminating among citizens and non-citizens, and violating international law.

Knott, E. (2022). Kin majorities: identity and citizenship in Crimea and Moldova. McGill-Queen's University Press. https://www.mqup.ca/kin-majorities-products-9780228011507.php

In Moldova, the number of dual citizens has risen exponentially in the last decades. Before annexation, many saw Russia as granting citizenship to-or passportizing-large numbers in Crimea. Both are regions with kin majorities: local majorities claimed as co-ethnic by external states offering citizenship, among other benefits. As functioning citizens of the states in which they reside, kin majorities do not need to acquire citizenship from an external state. Yet many do so in high numbers. Kin Majorities explores why these communities engage with dual citizenship and how this intersects, or not, with identity. Analyzing data collected from ordinary people in Crimea and Moldova in 2012 and 2013, just before Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Kin Majorities specifically explores the meaning and content of Russian identification in Crimea in a time of calm.

This book is quite expensive so Eleanor Knott (e.k.knott@lse.ac.uk) is happy to be contacted if individuals want help finding a copy.

Decker, P. (2022). Nationalities without Nationalism? The Cultural Consequences of Metternich’s Nationality Policy. Nationalities Papers, 1-18. doi:10.1017/nps.2022.35

The Austrian statesman Metternich is widely recognized as a leading actor in European affairs in the first half of the nineteenth century. What has been surprisingly neglected is the long-lasting impact of his nationality policy, which he devised and partly implemented within the context of restoring order after the upheavals of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. The devastation and dislocations caused by two decades of warfare gave rise to a critical historical juncture in which Metternich took the lead to form a counterrevolutionary regime and to pursue what can be termed his empire project. A state modernizer, he devised an intellectually elaborate conservative response to the French Revolution that rested on his distinction between supposedly natural nationalities and artificial nationalism. The resulting idiosyncratic governance of empire fostered a vertical integration of societies-in-the-making through the expansion of state infrastructures, while at the same time determining horizontal fragmentation along provincial and linguistic lines. Metternich’s nationality policy helped to create the ideational and institutional foundations of modern nation-building across Central and Southeastern Europe. Its legacy outlasted the monarchy and is reflected in the distinctive culturalist tradition of nationhood in post-Habsburg Central Europe.

Eric Storm, The rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution: Revisiting the debate on the roots of nations and nationalism, Nations and Nationalism (2022) early view:



Recent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation-states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation-state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation-states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past.


Joep Leerssen and Eric Storm eds.,World Fairs and the Global Moulding of National Identities: International Exhibitions as Cultural Platforms, 1851–1958 (Leiden: Brill 2022).



This volume examines the role of the broad variety of international exhibitions between 1851 and 1958 in two programmatic essays and twelve case studies, covering not just France and the United States, but also, among others, Sweden, Romania, Colombia, Japan and the nascent European Community.

World fairs were global platforms for the construction of national identities. The mix of national self-profiling and commercial exoticism turned the nation into a “brand”, while reframing the nation-state from its nineteenth-century positioning amidst neighbouring enemies towards being a competitor in a global, consumer-oriented trade and entertainment economy. By presenting national identities in “banal” form as feelgood factors, world fairs helped the nation to maintain its grassroots appeal across the century of totalitarianism and internationalism.


Eric Storm, ‘The Canonization of the Artisan around 1900’ in: Marjet Brolsma a.o. eds., Networks, Narratives and Nations: Transcultural Approaches to Cultural Nationalism in Modern Europe and Beyond (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press 2022) chapter 11.



Around 1900 the artisan became a national symbol throughout Europe. While the peasant had been lionized ever since the Romantic era, the craft guilds were denigrated as remnants of feudalism. This changed with the Arts and Crafts movement. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the artisan began to appear as a representative of the nation at international exhibitions, which focused increasingly on vernacular arts and traditions. In this way, craft products became a part of the national heritage, while artisans were cherished as sources of national authenticity. In the early twentieth century, traditional crafts were increasingly appreciated by artists, collectors, and consumers, and many of their most extraordinary products were seen as embodying the nation’s Volksgeist.


Elisabeth Bakke, John Breuilly, John Hutchinson ... and Eric Storm, 'Symposium for Miroslav Hroch’, Nations and Natonialism 28-3 (2022) 737-759.



Twelve historians and social scientists reflect on Miroslav Hroch's contributions to the field of nationalism studies. There are essays on his pioneering comparative historical studies of ‘small nation’ national movements and his distinction between nationalism and national movements. Other essays focus on concepts such as those of protagonist, the three phases of national movements, the small nation and nationally relevant conflict of interest. A further set of essays explores how Hroch's approach can be extended beyond small nations, beyond Europe and into the contemporary period.