>>> Item number 1828, dated 96/07/02 08:43:17 -- ALL
Date: Tue, 2 Jul 1996 08:43:17 -0400 Subject: FYI: Teaching about slavery Date: Mon, 01 Jul 1996 From: "Keim, Curtis A" <firstname.lastname@example.org>
I have developed a unit on the slave trade that uses primary African sources. It is particularly interesting to students because it consists of most of the documents that Alex Halley could have/should have/did use in writing Roots. The picture that is constructed is much different than that portrayed in Roots because it shows the active roll that Africans played in the trade. I have the students read the 10 or so short documents and write a short essay on "What was going on on the Gambia River in the late 18th century?"
There are documents from travelers like Mungo Park and from both the French National Archives (I have original text and translation) and the Public Record Office. Also includes a map, timeline, tables of goods traded and some figures collected by Curtin on prices over time. These get students thinking about how history is written/constructed.
The documents are also good for discussing the uses and abuses of documents. Unfortunately there are no strictly African sources because contrary to what Halley said, griots in the region do not deal with such specific information two centuries ago. (i.e., Halley made up his stuff) One could find a griot narrative on one of the local kingdoms (Niumi) if it is important to you to have African sources. Otherwise, a short piece on why there are no such sources might be interesting.
These documents are particularly gripping for the African American students that I teach at Lehigh University because the clear evidence of African participation raises issues that have often been ignored in students' previous contacts with the subject.
>>> Item number 1831, dated 96/07/02 09:05:34 -- ALL
Date: Tue, 2 Jul 1996 09:05:34 -0400 Subject: Query: Slave trade Date: Tue, 2 Jul 1996 From: Mark Alan Hinchman <email@example.com>
A couple of months ago I heard the tail-end of a piece on National Public Radio, which I think was about the current conditions of the slave forts of Ghana (could be wrong). It was about the issue of preserving the forts, and how they should be presented. They interviewed an American woman who organized 'Heritage Tours' to them, although I didn't get her name nor the name of her organization. The gist of the interview was how African-Americans and Africans had different views on how to preserve these structures; one of them had become a discotheque. Did anyone else hear this and get more precise information than my vague recollection?
>>> Item number 1832, dated 96/07/03 08:10:03 -- ALL
Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 08:10:03 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Tue, 02 Jul 1996 From: "Walter S. Clarke" <firstname.lastname@example.org>
The NPR report for which you caught the tail end was on All Things Considered on 6 February 1996. As usual, NPR has captured an interesting debate in a five-minute report from a place which is probably obscure or unknown to 95 percent of its listeners.
The report by Jennifer Ludden was made while on a guided tour of the Cape Coast castle, one of the largest of nearly 100 slave forts on the Ghana coast. The interview begins with a Ghanaian architect, Sedu Yakubu Goodman (phonetic), the guide, who describes the triangular West Africa (slaves)
- New World (cotton) - Europe (manufactures) slave trade. Both interviewer and interviewee lament the lack of proper education about the slave trade in both Africa and North America. At the point you heard the transmission, Ms. Ludden is interviewing Chuck Hutchinson, an American who is employed by the Government of Ghana to manage the castle restoration project, and Vienna Robinson, an American who moved to Ghana six years ago, who rents a castle where she conducts tours exclusively for African-Americans.
Ms Ludden reports: "Robinson and other Americans also complain tht by sprucing up the castles for profit, Ghana's government is distorting history. Their protest has led castle managers to cancel plans for extra lighting in one dungeon and to close a bar and restaurant in another. Some Ghanaians charge Americans with being touchy and overly zealous. Yet Robinson says local guides are simply not sensitive enough to the volatile emotions the forts provoke. Her own candlelight tours begin with a reenactment of the capture of slaves and include meditiation, music, and dance..."
The interview concludes with a conversation with Renee Neblet, described as an American educator in Ghana, who is engaged in holding workshops to raise Ghanaian sensitivity to the plight of the victims of the slave trade. Interesting that the outsiders are more sensitive about local sensitivities than the local people themselves. Not unusual, but thought-provoking nonetheless. There are some interesting intercultural dynamics at work here. Is the price of raising African-American knowledge of Africa, our insistence that Africans accept African-American values and attitudes?
>>> Item number 1835, dated 96/07/03 08:25:32 -- ALL
Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 08:25:32 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Tue, 2 Jul 1996 From: Larry Yarak <email@example.com>
I did not hear the NPR piece in question. However, I did attend a dance with a live band that played in the courtyard of Cape Coast Castle; that was in 1993, I believe. I don't know if that means that the castle has "become a discotheque," but the event may have been the source of that report.
There have indeed been differences over the last few years between Ghanaians and African-American tourists about the proper use of the forts, especially those of the Central Region which are referred to as "castles," at Cape Coast and Elmina. The numerous other forts, some of which are quite interesting, like those at Axim and Chama (my favorite as a European structure located in the midst of a Ghanaian coastal town), but which are seldom seen by foreigners, have attracted far less comment. African-American tourists tend to view the forts as shrines recalling a tragic personal and collective history; most Ghanaians I have talked with see them as relics of the past which present opportunities to increase the inflow of tourist dollars.
The Rawlings government, or at least certain elements in it, has been rather sensitive to complaints from African-Americans about the use of the forts, as the incident cited below suggests. It should be noted, however, that Rawlings has his offices at Christiansborg Castle, the former Danish headquarters. To my knowledge this has not generated any public complaint. Of course, Christiansborg is not open to visits by tourists. Until recently, the old English and Dutch forts at Accra were used as prisons, as they had been under British colonial rule.
The opening of a bar, by a Ghanaian entrepreneur, serving beer and soft drinks at Cape Coast Castle led to an outraged letter being sent by an African-American to the Rawlings Government in 1993-4, while I was doing research in Elmina. I believe the letter was also published in the _Daily Graphic_. I was told that an official was sent out from "the Castle" in Accra and he/she shut down the bar immediately.
When I was in Ghana last month I did not check to see whether the Cape Coast bar was still closed. I did visit Elmina Castle and saw that there is now an expanded bookstore inside it, where one can also buy locally-produced art works depicting chained slaves being led out of the fort (and one showing the slaves rebelling and attacking their white owners). There is also a tourist office operating out of a room in the castle. It arranges guided tours of Elmina town, canoe trips on the Benya lagoon and into the sea, and guided tours of the wonderful Kakum Forest Reserve (now National Park), including a magnificent canopy walk. Since 1993 there has been a spate of hotel building in Cape Coast/Elmina to accommodate the anticipated tourist flow. The old Elmina Motel has been torn down and a huge three- or four-star hotel is being constructed in its place.
The castles at Elmina and Cape Coast are administered by the Ghana Museums and Monuments Board, which falls under the National Commission on Culture. The latter is now headed by Prof. Nana Arhin Brempong (Prof. Kwame Arhin, formerly director of the Institute of African Studies at Legon), the noted Ghanaian scholar. If people on this list have strong feelings about how the forts should be used, perhaps they should write to Nana Arhin about it.
>>> Item number 1836, dated 96/07/03 08:39:15 -- ALL
Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 08:39:15 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Tue, 2 Jul 1996 From: Cati Coe <firstname.lastname@example.org>
There was also a _Christian Science Monitor_ article about this (December 22, 1995). I have the article in front of me, and it also discusses the difference of opinion between African-American tourists and Ghanaian authorities about the preservation of the slave forts. To quote the article, "Ghana has turned the dark cells into monuments of 400 years of slave trade, but US black visitors often regard the resotration--done to earn money from tourists--as a 'whitewash' of a black holocaust." No mention of discos, tho. The article says that the Smithsonian Institution, USAID, and the UN gave $4.1m to restore the castles in 1991; two were designated "world heritage sties" by the UN in the same year.
The article also mentions in passing a recently refurbished slave museum outside Luanda (which isn't getting tourists).
>>> Item number 1837, dated 96/07/05 17:29:30 -- ALL
Date: Fri, 5 Jul 1996 17:29:30 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: 03 Jul 96 From: Peter A Rogers <Peter.A.Rogers@Dartmouth.EDU>
On the refurbishment of Cape Coast and Elmina Castles, and the Ghanaian tourist industry more generally, see Enid Schildkrout's article, "Kingdom of Gold" in _Natural History_, Vol. 105, no. 2 (February 1996), pp. 36-47. I suspect that the NPR report may have originated here, though the article is somewhat more detailed than the radio report.
>>> Item number 1838, dated 96/07/05 17:30:48 -- ALL
Date: Fri, 5 Jul 1996 17:30:48 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 From: "Jose C. Curto" <JCURTO@WILSON.Lan.McGill.CA>
Christopher de Corse is in the Dept. of Anthropology, Syracuse University, NOT Cornell University.
By the way, does anyone know his email address?
Date sent: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 08:14:44 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Tue, 02 Jul 1996 From: David Killick <DKILLICK@anthro.arizona.edu>
The person to contact for information on European forts (and the African settlements associated with them) in West Africa is Dr. Chris de Corse in the Department of Anthropology at Cornell University in syracuse, NY. (I don't have phone or e-mail addresseses). He has been doing historical archaeology at Elmina and several other forts, and probably knows more about them than any other person.
Jose C. Curto
Co-editor, Newsletter of CAAS
Center for Society, Technology and Development McGill University
2020 University, suite 2400
Montreal, Qc. CANADA H3A 2A5
Phone: (514) 398-3070 Fax: (514) 398-4619 Email: email@example.com
>>> Item number 1840, dated 96/07/05 17:39:44 -- ALL
Date: Fri, 5 Jul 1996 17:39:44 -0400 Subject: Reply: Teaching about slavery Date: Wed, 3 Jul 1996 From: Jean-Claude.Mporamazina@unctad.org I am a bit uneasy and concerned about the general conclusion one (student) could draw from the message on the picture of slave trade by Keim Curtis A. If I read him well, on one hand, (slave traders' written) evidence shows that Africans participated actively in slave trade. On the other hand, there is neither written nor oral evidence that Africans resisted the trade or suffered from it since what Alex Haley wrote in Roots was his fabrication and there is no single griot to confirm Alex's story. In consequence, the new picture reads: Africans enjoyed slave trade as a regular business since there is no written nor oral evidence proving the contrary. That reminds me one shocking conversation I had with an unsophisticated African American. He was telling me in a New York- Brooklyn accent something like: "you men sold us". I am surprised to find such an unfair and globalising picture of Africans in slave trade on H-net Africa. My conviction is that such a picture is completely false for many reasons: - It is not because there is (controversial or not) written evidence that some Africans could have participated in slave trade that many more Africans did not resist the "trade" and most others suffered from it. Lack of written evidence for the resistance and suffering does not and should not be interpreted as a proof of the non existence of the reality. - Treason has always existed in Africa and elsewhere in the world. Even today some Africans and other Third World dictators are still selling (almost for free) their countries' wealth to the same foreigners who now have got other means of exploitation. Could one draw the conclusion that Africans and other Third World people are now enjoying their overexploitation or that there is no resistance to it? Would it be right to say that there is evidence for human rights abuse but no evidence for exploitation just because the modern exploiters only sometimes criticise in writing those dictators on some human rights issues but do not recognise others related to exploitation (, i.e the rights for development which is part of the UN Charter on Human rights and aims at fighting against economic or trade exploitation ) officially in a written communique? - There are a lot of oral evidence on resisting slavery in Africa. A lot of songs and stories in my country talk about how traditional armies, of the then Kingdom of Burundi, fought against Arabs looking for slaves at the end of 18th or beginning 19th century. They talk about how Arabs' fire arms, which could make only one shot at a time, could be and were indeed defeated. They would attack them between two shots. Unfortunately the same strategy could not work against German colonisers at the beginning of the 20th century because Germans had machine guns. But even then it is only after a serious fight that our King's army surrendered. For that last fight for freedom there are written evidence ( by German officers of course) on how brave that traditional army was. I am sure similar stories could be found elsewhere in Africa. - As for suffering, there is even no need for demonstration unless one considers Africans at that time not to be human beings as slave traders were saying. So why would Africans fight colonialism and not slavery? How could they suffer from and enjoy something at the same time? I think therefore Alex Haley's picture is more close to reality (suffering and resistance by the majority, certainly defeated by technological advance of the traders) than the picture (enjoyment in slave trade by a negligible minority) derived from the limited participation by some Africans in the slave trade.
>>> Item number 1844, dated 96/07/06 16:35:39 -- ALL
Date: Sat, 6 Jul 1996 16:35:39 -0400 Subject: Reply: Teaching about slavery Date: Sat, 6 Jul 1996 From: Bertil Haggman <firstname.lastname@example.org>
The message, on July 3, by Jean Claude Mporamazine raises the question of recent Ghanaian research on questions of slave trade. Akosua Perbi, a researcher of the University of Ghana, has claimed that European slave traders, almost without exception, did not themselves capture slaves. They bought them from other Africans, usually kings or chiefs or wealthy merchants. Of course this is only one researcher's view.
On the other hand those who sold the slaves had no idea of the brutality of slavery on other continents, and Perbi underlines that she is in no way trying to shift blame or to make Europeans feel less guilty.
Once again many thanks to those who made bibliographical material available on the West African slave forts.
>>> Item number 1845, dated 96/07/06 16:47:00 -- ALL
Date: Sat, 6 Jul 1996 16:47:00 -0400 Subject: Reply: Wider perspective on slavery Date: Sat, 06 Jul 96 From: "J. Randall Groves" <YD56@MUSIC.FERRIS.EDU>
Dear fellow list participants and lurkers:
This is my first contribution to this list, so hello. My name is Randy Groves. I teach Humanities at Ferris State University, and I have come across this discussion on a number of lists. The perspective on the slave trade that seems most accurate overall is one that incorporates a world historical perspective as well as some relfections on human nature and moral philosophy. I will comment on the post of 3 July by Jean Claude Maporamazina to clarify.
No slave enjoys the slave trade, but the profits probably gave some enjoyment to whomever was doing the trading. The evidence seems to indicate that African slavery was initially indigenous, and taken up by the Muslims and Europeans. If we simply consider what happens when two peoples fight, one wins but does not kill all of the other people, we can then see that obvious choices present themselves: execute the remainder, let them remain and exact a tribute, just walk away as if nothing happened or enslave the remainder. My guess is that the most popular choices were (1) exact a tribute, (2) enslave the remainder, with the other choices farther behind. If we think in terms of the choices people have, it doesn't seem implausible to believe Africans were enslaving each other. Of course one cannot establish anything without some empirical evidence.
I'm not an historian of Africa, so I consult and compare experts. Robert July in talking about Wolof and Sere societies (p.129 of _A History of the African People_), says "Slavery was widespread but it too was carrefully divided into such groupings as slaves pawned for debt, hereditary house servants who could not be sold, and true slaves acquired through war or purchase." Shillington, in his _History of Africa_ also indicates that internal slavery networks connected eventually with European (p.173). None of this should be surprising. Slavery seems to be nearly a world-wide phenomenon. It is thus quite likely that Africans engaged and profited from slavery. Does this mean we should think any less of the Africans? No, they were only as fallible as any other people. Does this excuse the European trade? No, two wrongs usually don't make a right, and the numbers make a big difference.
Of course Africans resisted being enslaved. Who wouldn't? I don't remember the original post this is referring to, but it is ridiculous as stated. If it means that the African societies didn't band together to eliminate slavery, that is possibly true (although, I don't know the history well enough to be sure), but neither did most other societies. Individuals, of course, probably resisted with great but ultimately ineffectual effort. No shame in that.
I don't understand the use of the term "treason" in describing African participants in the slave trade. It assumes a sense of identity and solidarity that probably didn't exist between slaver and slave. If one society enslaves members of another, that may be immoral, but it isn't treason.
>>> Item number 1847, dated 96/07/08 07:42:23 -- ALL
Date: Mon, 8 Jul 1996 07:42:23 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slavery in Africa Date: Sun, 7 Jul 1996 From: JackHawk@aol.com Jack Betterly
I would like to thank J. Randall Groves for today's bit of sanity. There is a subtle racism rampant in this whole slavery dialogue, as if the ultimate outcome will be to prove that Africans are better people than whites, or vice versa. That is morally, academically and intellectually repugnant. The slave trade was a complex and ugly phenomenon in which many peoples, individuals and races were complicit. The same can be said today of the New York Stock Exchange, fueled significantly by teacher's retirement funds seeking to maximize profits even at the expense of Southest Asian sweatshops. I think we academics, of all people, need to avoid being simplistic and/or racist and/or chauvinist.
>>> Item number 1857, dated 96/07/11 08:46:18 -- ALL
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 1996 08:46:18 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade Date: Wed, 10 Jul 1996 From: "Joseph M. O'Neal" <email@example.com>
There is an interesting article by Edward M. Bruner, "Tourism in Ghana: The Representation of Slavery and Return of the Black Diaspora," in the June _American Anthropologist_ (98:2:290-304).
Bruner explores the ironies inherent in tourism to the slave forts and is interested in the liminal status of African-American tourists. For instance, instead of being welcomed to Cape Coast and Elmina as long-lost brothers and sisters, the tourists are startled to find themselves being referred to as _obruni_, an Akan word used to refer to the English and other whites.
At Elmina, a sign in English and Fanti prohibits all persons except tourists from entering the castle grounds. The authorities are concerned that the locals would defecate on the grounds and spoil the site for tourism.
Bruner analyzes two different productions of "Through the Door of No Return," in which tourists assemble in the dungeon, pour libations and weep and pray, and then are led through the door through which slaves were taken to the waiting ships. The production from an African American tour operator ends with singing diaspora songs, "then they reenter the castle, singing and dancing African songs to the beat of the drums, festive songs, to celebrate their joyous return to mother Africa" (296). In the production from a Ghanaian tour operator, the performance ends on the beach, with no return.
Bruner has a good list of works cited. If readers of this network haven't looked at the _American Anthropologist_ for a long time, or ever, they will find it much more reader-friendly than it used to be. The format has larger pages and larger print, more photographs, and fewer highly technical articles. These changes were made in response to declining subscriptions by the new editors, the Tedlocks, who are well-known postmodern anthropologists. Of course, many anthropologists view these changes as a sure sign that the end is near.
>>> Item number 1860, dated 96/07/11 15:26:10 -- ALL
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 1996 15:26:10 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Thu, 11 Jul 1996 From: Simon Katzenellenbogen <MFSHSSK@fs1.art.man.ac.uk>
The first paragraph of the review of _Tourism in Ghana_ recalls to mind the situation faced in the early 1960s by African Americans in Congo (Leopoldville) [as it then was] who, like all white people, were referred to as Mndeli, the Lingala word for white people/foreigners. Not surprisingly this caused considerable distress.
>>> Item number 1864, dated 96/07/12 11:14:20 -- ALL
Date: Fri, 12 Jul 1996 11:14:20 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Fri, 12 Jul 1996 From: MANNING@neu.edu Pat Manning, Northeastern University Simon Katzenellenbogen notes that in the 1960s
African-Americans in Congo (Leopoldville) found themselves "referred to as Mndeli, the Lingala word for white people/foreigners." His terminology is precise and worthy of note.
For the Fon term "Yovo," the Mandingo term "Toubab," and for the Lingala term "Mndeli," it seems that the reference is more to the regional origin or cultural distance of those labelled, rather than to their racial type. The translation of these terms as "white" is an matter of the Eyes of the (foreign) Beholder.
Let me add my own reminiscence from the 1960s -- in Dahomey I took a ride in the countryside with a white American teacher at a lycee in Porto Novo. When children called "Yovo!" to the occupants of the passing car, my friend gaily called back "mewi!" (white). He thus responded with a color to a call which was a regional or cultural classification. I wonder if any of those children thus learned to classify people by color rather than by nation or culture.
>>> Item number 1879, dated 96/07/18 11:00:37 -- ALL
Date: Thu, 18 Jul 1996 11:00:37 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Fri, 12 Jul 1996 From: June Santeusanio <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Re: Pat Manning's post, I've assumed that the Mandingo word "Toubab" comes from "Tabiib" (doctor) in Arabic. In Abidjan, I've seen something like "Tibb" used in a traditional-medical doctor's title. Does anyone know the story behind the use of "Toubab"? My guess would be from the pre-European presence of Arabs (in West Africa) from whom the word Tabiib was borrowed. (?)
Regarding the intent of "Toubabu" to distinguish a foreign culture and/or color, I believe that culture is an important factor in it's use. For example, I've never heard of an Arab in Abidjan referred to as a Toubab, only white Americans, Canadians or Europeans. (Either because Arabs are considered to be a non-transient part of the city/country or because their culture is perceived as different from a western culture?) Furthermore, in the French of Abidjan, Arabs (Lebanese, Moroccan or Egyptian, etc. ) are distinguished from westerners/white westerners; Arabs are referred to as "arabe" and white westerners as "blanc". (In terms of pure skin color and looks, more than a few Lebanese and westerners are the same.)
In terms of "Toubab" relating to color, I have spent too little time with African-Americans in Abidjan to be able to have an opinion. I don't recall hearing, during the rare instances I was with an African-American, of an African-American being called Toubabu.
>>> Item number 1882, dated 96/07/18 16:43:47 -- ALL
Date: Thu, 18 Jul 1996 16:43:47 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Thu, 18 Jul 1996 From: Peter CARON <email@example.com>
I would like to respond to June Santeusanio's post concerning the relationship of certain terms relating to culture or color. Though I have never heard the expression "toubab" applied to western African-Americans (US or other nations) I have heard the expression "yovo" used inthis way in Benin. Pat Manning's post was correct in that "yovo" has become a synonym for westerner regardless of color though, at least as I understand the term, it is also used as an expression for white.
Though anecdotal, one incident stands out in my own expereince in Benin. In 1988, a Haitian friend and I were walking through Cotonou and were greeted by a group of small children singing a popular chant:
Ca va bien?
Over and over they chanted this. Several of them were singing this while pointing at my Haitian comrade, something he found extremely annoying. He complained that when he lived in New York he was black, and in Benin he was white. Of course, the children could have been mocking him because he was with me (I am white) but we both figured that the children were really responding to the obvious: that we were not Beninese nor Africans.
This assumption was borne out in the experiences of other African-Americans living in Benin during the three years I lived there.
>>> Item number 1888, dated 96/07/19 08:28:22 -- ALL
Date: Fri, 19 Jul 1996 08:28:22 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Fri, 19 Jul 96 From: Mark Alan Hinchman <firstname.lastname@example.org>
James Webb discusses this in _Desert Frontier: Ecological and Economic Change along the Western Sahel, 1600-1850_. In the `Note on Orthography and Terminology', xxvi: "In Senegambia, those whose behavior and outlook are identified with general European culture are referred to as Tubab (probably derived from the Arabic word for doctor: tabib) regardless of their skin color." He discusses these terms throughout the book.
>>> Item number 1889, dated 96/07/22 08:34:22 -- ALL
Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 08:34:22 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder/tubab Date: Fri, 19 Jul 96 From: Berend Timmer <email@example.com>
During fieldwork in The Gambia I was more than once referred to as 'tubabo', especially in the urban areas when children tried to attract my attention by calling out: 'tubab, tubab', thereby lengthening the last sylable. But also in the villages throughout Kombo (the most western region in The Gambia) people used to address me as 'tubabo', sometimes even including it in the Mandinka name they gave me, adding it where they would have otherwise put in my mother's name.
On one occasion, a friend explained the etymology of the word as a term children used to refer to the English, during colonial times. Whenever an englishman was passing by they would beg him to give them 'two bob'; 'bob' being a former British coin, i.e. a shilling. It was this begging that later became equivalent to white people in general.
The word 'tubabo', whether used as a noun or an adjective, generaly refers to someone or something associated with the western world. Some examples:
Tubaabuduu Europe, place of the white people
tubaabundingo 1. doll, 2. short white person, white child, native of Europe, citizen of a European country or any other country where white people live tubaabu kango the language of the whites
tubaab keekewo canned milk
tubaaoo corn, maize
>>> Item number 1902, dated 96/07/23 13:26:22 -- ALL
Date: Tue, 23 Jul 1996 13:26:22 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder (fwd) Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 From: firstname.lastname@example.org Richard Lobban
Toubab is Mande for "White person"; Tibb in Arabic means doctor. These words are not related.
>>> Item number 1903, dated 96/07/23 13:28:31 -- ALL
Date: Tue, 23 Jul 1996 13:28:31 -0400 Subject: Reply: Slave trade and Eyes of the Beholder Date: Mon, 22 Jul 1996 From: email@example.com Richard Lobban
by the way Cape Verdean Crioulo uses the word Nyambob for "White person."
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